Flogging the Willie Lynches

Defeat Neo-Colonial Ideology!

An African patriot, a brother from the DR Congo, recently stated on his Facebook page that he had just crossed the James River (Virginia), where Willie Lynch supposedly delivered his infamous speech. This young brother, a steeled freedom fighter for the Congolese African people, has obviously been exposed to the mythology of the black middle class. Willie Lynch never delivered any speeches in Virginia on how whip crackers need to manage their slaves. Yet he did not kno this, and mistook the urban legend as fact.

Needless to say, this myth has been made famous by people like Louis Farrakhan, Jesse Jackson and Al Sharpton, to name a few. Today, it is often used to explain the “self-inflicted” disasters within the ghetto, the African colony inside the United States.

The ghetto, as a colony or neo-colony, whichever you prefer, is a destabilized zone. Capitalism destabilizes class forces across the social spectrum.

This is the character of Capitalism. It destablizes the producing classes as a matter of policy, by creating dependency. At the same time, Capitalism destabilizes the middle class (petty bourgeoisie) because that class resides between the ruling class (capitalist class, or bourgeoisie) and the producing classes. African people produce everything society needs for its existence. We do not need the bourgeoisie or its managerial base, the middle class, but currently we maintain this relationship.

The Capitalist class is also currently experiencing widespread destabilization because of the currency manipulation by the international finance sector, the ones who have come out on top economically and politically. Before we panic at what has happened to the Big Three, the banks, and other business entities, we must see corporations as mere tools for concentrating capital (money) in the hands of as few as possible.

Of course, this accumulation of capital assets (land, mines, slaves, machinery, factories and money) began with two horrific, genocidal crimes, the Transatlantic African Captivity (the Maafa) and European settlements in North America (Turtle Island) and elsewhere. This became the origin of capitalist wealth as well as that of destabilization.

The Willie Lynch Speech reflects back to this period (1712, allegedly). Prof Manu Ampim has thoroly debunked Willie Lynch. He has showed how it is out of context with history, as well as submitting sources which lead Africans out of the self-absorbed fascination with their colonial identity and towards a genuine history of struggle.

Jelani Cobb and others have also debunked the Willie Lynch Speech as well. Willie Lynch is an urban myth. It came out of prolly the Seventies and was a middle class reaction to the Black Liberation Movement of the Sixties. Willie Lynch is just an excuse for people to hold onto the old ways Malcolm X, the Panthers and others have worked so tirelessly to vanquish.

There is no better antidote to the colonial mentality, if we may buy into Frantz Fanon, than a firm grasp of history, your accomplishments, the battles we have fought and the causes we have raised.

So the black middle class has no analysis of the financial meltdown and no scientific analysis of class relationships. Without an analysis of economics, how can Farrakhan or Jesse or Sharpton provide leadership? Farrakhan, for one, totally ignores the economic conditions inside our community, except for citing the mantra, “do for self”. Jesse and Sharpton cannot use Willie Lynch to define capitalism, unemployment, regentrification nor any other ill afflicting African people.

The black petty bourgeoisie as a whole cannot solve its own problems. Despite all their education, statistically, they trail white workers in stacking long-term assets such as real estate and retirement funds. Petty bourgeois ideas are inadequate for the purposes of an oppressed nationality. Neo-colonialism is an inadequate exchange for the liberation and unity of African people. Inadequate! The ideology of neo-colonialism keeps us locked in an unprincipled relationship to Capitalism, a relationship which needs to be broken.

Politically Acquired Ideological Deficiency Syndrome (PAIDS) is the way AZAPO Cde Mongezi Sifika Nkomo has described the black middle class. That is a more accurate description and definition than Willie Lynch Syndrome. Here is how PAIDS is described:

…Politically Acquired Ideological Deficiency Syndrome (PAIDS) …
A negro does not believe any other system will ever exist in our lifetimes.
A negro will never work for the Revolution.
A negro may try to convince you that capitalism is forever, that it cannot be destroyed, and that nothing better can possibly exist+
Negroes will work for Imperialism under any circumstances, and will work against the liberation movement in one way or another.

….PAIDS is the trouble with negroes.

Once people understand how alien is the profit-motive for African people, nay, all people, they will aim to break with Capitalism. The working class does not make any profit on its labor; that is impossible. Otherwise, there cannot be profits for the capitalist classes to distribute amongst themselves.

Thus, the question for African people is who shall we follow, our ne(gr)o-colonial leadership, or the revolutionaries who have striven against the Capitalist system? Those of us in the belly of the Beast must make a decision, whether to remain within the System and be digested and excreted thru its bowels or to forge resolute unity and come out thru its heart!

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A Black World Revolution

OUR STRATEGIC THEORY, DILUTED

Awhile back, I stopped reading Sons of Africa because there was too much useless info filtering in there. It’s a great site, and there is quite a bit of important news and updates which come in, yet there is a great deal of irrelevant nonsense, too. Much of the informative stuff I can get on sites with fewer posts. As for discussion, Hands Off Assata (Assata Shakur Forums)  is the best place with a black working class feel. There, people mix it up in lively discussions around any number of topics, and there are different areas where you can find the type of discussion which best suits you. But SOA, like any Yahoo group including mine (URC Discuss), doesn’t have a feature which allows moderators to file posts under different headings.

Now, people cannot focus on the main points of our struggle so as to form a strategy when they believe they are outflanked, out organized and out gunned. And for this reason, due to the variety of wild ideas in the name of Pan Africanism, the discussion in our community has become as diluted as it has from substance abuse or neo-colonialism or any other cause. One claimant to Pan Africanism on SOA, one Chief Elder Osiris Akkebala, justified introducing a rabid neo-nazi onto the board by alleging in effect that he will join with anybody to elevate his cause. We have to remember this is a polemical struggle involving actionable ideas, history and movements.

On the other hand, those of us who think along strategic lines — rather than subscribing to the panic theory, the hopeless theory, the otherworldly theory, and anything else which makes the mind putty in the hands of the oppressor, to paraphrase Steve Bantu Biko — we may better recognize the pressure points in Imperialism and what WE must do to turn pressure points into cracks, cracks into fissures, and fissures into the ruin of white power. Black Panther Party Deputy Chairman Fred Hampton said ‘we don’t fight racism with racism anymore than we fight fire with fire; we fight racism with Solidarity,’ by recruiting the staunchest anti-racist elements of the white community. And we don’t fight racism by joining with the most bloodsucking, marginal supporters of Imperialism.

So believing in the wrong knowledge is useless. Knowledge can exist without anybody having to buy into it, and we can invent ideas and theories which render exactly no service to our cause. While Santa Claus doesn’t exist, people make him real because they tell their kids there is a Santa and then their kids demand stuff at Christmas time and then parents run around like headless chickens serving a notion they planted in a child’s mind. We must calm our minds, breathe deeply, and try to look at the question as a cola nut, with a shell that protects a kernel. The kernel is what we are after because the shell is useless to us, unless we are playing Three Card Monty. We need knowledge that will render a service to our cause and the nonsense about the US being a corporation, the laws on martial decrees and citizenship, the archaic 3/5ths of a man rule and the one-drop law, the Illuminati and other passe issues are not going to liberate a single African in the Americas or in the Motherland.

One of Fanons great works

One of Fanon's great works

In all these Chicken Little discussions, — which are found almost everywhere, from the barbershop to the bar and up in the churches and on the street corners — nobody has any idea about what can be done. Nobody wants to know what can be done. Its like Frances Cress-Welsing’s Color Theory of Racial Confrontation, whereby she identifies a problem (like she is the first black person to identify racism!) and then proposes no solution to the problem. Obviously, moving away from white folks is the clear solution, given her premise. But she is no Back-to-Africa advocate. So what does she propose? Psychotherapy! Guess what? If Frantz Fanon, who was a psychotherapist, had suggested psychotherapy for Algeria instead of a liberation war, Algerians would either have killed him as a collaborator or else took his advice and still be a French colony. So much for that revisionist game Three Card Monty.

The black middle class, being the class of collaborators and traitors, does not kno what it takes to build a revolution or to even make qualitative change for our community. Not every black middle class individual is a traitor. But as a class, that is its historical role. It traded in nationalism for mobility, collaboration for integration. It exists solely thru its neo-colonial relationship to international finance capital, Imperialism. In Atlanta, the Mecca of the black middle class, a war is being waged against the historical roots of the Black Power Movement. Willie Mukasa Ricks, founder of the slogan Black Power, has been assaulted, jailed and banned from Morehouse campus. Jamil Al Amin, SNCC coordinator and former Black Panther, has been imprisoned. These repressive developments are due more to the initiative of the black middle class (on behalf of Imperialism) than to any other source.

These questions without answers, that is, without solutions that can be applied as a strategy for our liberation, derive in whole from the black middle class. In fact, the question posed by the black middle class and joined by its natural ally, the lumpen proletariat (the parasite within the working class) has only deepened our oppression.

Therefore, when we discuss the contradictions within our community we see giants in the African liberation struggle having to compete with mental midgets. People prefer to read Dr York’s opinions on Africa rather than Cheik Anta Diop, John Henrik Clarke and Walter Rodney. Our community gets offered Khalid Muhammad and Malik Shabazz’s fake panthers, in substitution to Huey P, Bobby Seale, Fred Hampton and George Jackson. Folks are no longer able to make the distinction between revolutionary theory versus harebrained half-baked idle talk. This has been a petty bourgeois trend ever since Floyd McKissick stole Willie Ricks’ slogan and cried, “Black power means green power, money!”

Here, you have freedom fighters who have built up reputations, careers and movements. These martyrs have liberated minds and bodies, while on the other hand you have limelight seekers, slick talkers and masters of Three Card Monty. The New Black Panther Party doesn’t even reproduce the theory of Huey P or George Jackson or Fred Hampton. The NBPP does not understand revolutionary theory. It has no grasp of democratic-centralism, criticism/self-criticism, revolutionary class theory, the leadership role of women, community programs, the Little Red Book or anything the Black Panther Party for Self-Defense committed itself towards implementing. The FBI labeled Huey P’s organization “the greatest internal threat to the security of the United States.” Those Black Panthers were jailed, imprisoned, exiled and assassinated for their groundbreaking work. The NBPP stole their name and doesn’t even pay them lip service. On this count, the NBPP is not Pan Africanist, not revolutionary, and not a freedom fighting organization. In the sense that the Panthers read Nkrumah, Fanon, and Amilcar Cabral, they were Pan Africanists. So what is the NBPP?

Monument to Amilcar Cabral

Monument to Amilcar Cabral

We are engaged in a polemical struggle, combatting a crisis in thinking. Why would anybody propagate a theory which has no potential to liberate our people? We have to understand background info is used for agitational purposes. Citizenship — based on the one drop rule, based on the Dred Scott Decision, based on the Emancipation Proclamation — is nothing but background information that we use as an agitational point. We do not develop theories around background info. It is factual, that is enuf. We build theories around our current conditions, things which effect our everyday lives, and the things which tell us what is important inform us who we are speaking with.

Unemployment, homelessness, the prison system, drugs and violence, the war against our community. That is critically important to the black working class. Other things, ephemeral at times, remain of varying importance to the middle class. My struggle is immediate, right here and now. It is in my face. It does not appear to me in the form of a document, a writ, a speech, a conversation. My struggle is the struggle for survival, the struggle to change my conditions, the struggle to rise above my conditions and bring along those who have suffered with me. Not just my family, but my community. My struggle is immediate and glaring. I do not need anybody to define it for me. It is the struggle of my neighbor to feed himself, to clothe himself. It is the struggle of my stepdaughter to get thru school without being sexually assaulted, to excel at her studies, and to transform her world and her community. Nobody needs to go into an extensive expose on black citizenship or the Illuminati to do that. Black workers still have our feet firmly planted on god’s good earth turned sour under Imperialism. Peace.

KILOMBO REPUBLIC

African Dialectics:

Build a Black Revolutionary Palenque

(redacted) (dedicated to Troy Davis — Long Live Troy!)


This article was first submitted to the Sons of Africa discussion board. It was a reply to certain individuals who sought to limit to discussion of the US-led financial meltdown the scientific analysis of the crisis by dumping the solution and posing a metaphysical one. This presented a dilemma. These forces, operating in concert,  substituted semantics to deconstruct the analysis that I offered. This resulted in a minor war of words between several internet identities on the one side and myself on the other. Replying that SOA was not intended for conducting English classes but to disseminate information and views of interest to African people, I composed the following piece on dialectics. Now it appears here rewritten, reedited and amplified, and divided into sections for easier reading.

While the grammarians on SOA dissect my sentences to count my errors, rational overstanding depends on another form of analysis called African (historical) materialist dialectics. That involves the study of history thru the filter of African Internationalism, which proposes to the black world that international African unity is the highest expression of Black Political Power. Dialectics studies motion, change, contradictions, opposites and harmony in society. Dialectics studies the primary movement which defines society. So in that spirit, I strive to extend an analysis which serves Africans and all people in our struggle for bread, peace and Black Power.

I am not trying to invent any new theory here. Yet I hope to amplify, define and clarify positions already staked out in the African liberation movement. African Internationalism is Nkrumah’s Pan Africanism boiled down for the working classes. As articulated by the self-led African proletariat (working class revolutionary), it is Pan Africanism for the masses with an improved class articulation.

This theory also takes from Frantz Fanon, Amilcar Cabral, the Black Panther Party for Self-Defense, Walter Rodney, Abdul Alkalimat, Omali Yeshitela and many others. My contribution to these giants is to simplify the race issue by properly defining it as a question of class. Who ever who learns dialectical-historical materialism gets taught that the class struggle in capitalism defines social relations.

Therefore, all relationships based on racial identity must also be defined in terms of class.

The classic black dialectic on race (this derives from the Stalinist-era CPUSA effort to grapple with the question) is that race reflects the ideology of colonialism or white supremacy. But this is an error. White supremacy is the ideology of colonialism and Imperialism. White supremacy formulated the notion that race forms the basis of conflict in society. White supremacy invented race as a social stratification when colonialism came into conflict with indigenous peoples, or shanghaied whole societies to work as slaves and coolies. White supremacy invented racial stratification as a form of class to maintain power and control over the subjugated masses. It states that whites are the ruling class and all others are enslaved by reason of their inherent racial inferiority. White supremacy has formerly used religion and philosophy to justify relegating even the most talented members of non-white nationalities to the most abject status. Racism concentrates class contradictions by subjugating colonized societies beneath even the lowest strata of the colonizers.

Hence, from these origins, racism arose as the concentrated class question within colonialism. Struggles within capitalist society have always exposed the shallow logic of racism. Firstly, and most importantly, the capacity and resolve of the masses to resist colonialism had an impact on bourgeois leaders. The people’s forceful resistance to press gang work — rendering them for execution as slaves, “zombies” and coolies when no longer useful on plantations and in mines — upset the natural order as seen by the colonizers. It did not fit what their Bibles told them. It contradicted what their leading thinkers had written on the subject. The oppressed should have been happy and content.

This view fit perfectly with the original sin of capitalism, as Karl Marx called primitive accumulation. Capitalism is a form of accumulation. Workers and other groups produce actual value. This means they transform raw materials into finished products. Workers take land and transform it into real estate. They take forests and transform them into lumber and then into products as varied as furniture and houses. The workers dam rivers and make them navigable while also fitting them with turbines, made by other workers, to generate hydroelectric power. So on and so forth, these products have worth created by the workers.

Value, which the workers produce, is stripped away from them as a class. This process occurs at the point of production, where the value is produced and as it continues to produce. The value made by the workers gets transformed and concentrated, that is, it is changed into something workers no longer recognize as something they made. Workers are then given just what they need to exist, while the capitalists who produce nothing live in opulence. Just like the masters taking living off the labor of the slaves. Marx calls this alienation, and it gains a social character. When workers become alienated from value, it is actually their own value which they lose. So the alienation assumes different forms. It has a statistical expression, further signs of how the bourgeoisie have alienated the workers. Suicide rates, unemployment, crime, violence, preventative health problems and all other forms of social instability derive from and are directly attributable to capitalism’s devaluation of the worker as a human being. These antagonisms become intensified, magnified, and even concentrated, amongst the colonized working classes.

So, as in all class societies, one group appropriates the value created by another group. Under capitalism, slaves are the workers who defined organized labor when they rose up and struck against the masters.

Accumulation which is non-capitalist or pre-capitalist in its apparent mode is categorized as “primitive”. This includes all forms of human trafficking such as slavery and serfdom, and prison labor under fascism; primitive accumulation also involves organized crime, plus the theft of land by colonizers. In all these examples, the illogic of capitalist relations expresses itself thru the ideology of white supremacy, anything which justifies, perpetuates or involves an economic empire.

In the Imperialist centers, capitalism has been trying to rectify its idiot-logical theories at every step and turn of its existence. For this reason and a few others, today Imperialism needs to dilute the concentrated class struggle. Neo-colonialism is Imperialism’s dilution of the concentrated class struggle. Diluting the concentrated class struggle works as a two-edged sword. At the same time that it blunts the anti-colonial movement, neo-colonialism also blunts racism itself, thereby effectively removing the material and ideological basis for white workers to support Imperialism.

The second key part of this analysis demands revolutionary action. It is something to the effect that scientific socialists must bring down Imperialism; it cannot just be allowed to fall. To do so will unleash the forces of reaction. Not only that, but we have to destroy the economic fodder of capitalism. We must set about doing this as part of revolutionary activity. That is the gist of it; we must diminish the power of asset-backed paper and all forms of capital, which is simply value in concentrated form. Not because we have significant amounts of paper, since we don’t. But because without so doing the Imperialists will still use money as a function of power. As long as people trade with asset-backed paper of any form, capitalists will buy whatever they need including armies to control communities and exercise force in private as well as political matters. Scientific socialism as a working-class State turns society upside down, and places the masses in power to eradicate the ruling classes.

For this reason, what continues to transpire within the Imperialist economic mode remains of utmost importance for us to grasp. We must not allow Imperialism to collapse, but we must be the agents of its demise. Those who remain interested in the dialectical approach may muster the courage to take on Imperialism. And for those who strive to build a society of maroons or a kilombo republic, that is, a fighting black soviet that we may also call a “community of resistance”, this agitational-organizational work aims to achieve that.