Pt. II: Africa, Obama and AFRICOM

US President Barack Obama recently made a visit to Ghana. In his first official trip to Africa, he left a strong impression on the world. An analysis of his remarks and policies regarding Africa itself is in order.

We have Obama’s most hard hitting remarks: Africa should stop blaming colonialism for its problems; Africa should stop relying on foreign aid and do for self. We also have Obama’s policy, a continuation of Bush era militarism in the form of AFRICOM, the US Africa Military Command. This policy presents the most severe plan related to structural readjustment.

Of course a direct link to structural readjustment and AFRICOM cannot be suggested without understanding the economic challenges faced by African states. The relationship of these states to capital has alienated them from the masses. Nigeria and Kenya, for instance, have felt snubbed because Obama by-passed them. At the same time, these countries have governments whih have failed to move their societies forward in a way that reflects the best use of their own natural and social resources.

This is not to say that Africa has to develop along Western industrial methods. However, it does mean that certain infrastructure deficiencies from health care to water purification and agriculture have gone neglected. This contradiction prevails in nearly all African states.

Nkrumah is very instructive on this period. When he described neo-colonialism as the last stage of Imperialism, his critique was mainly confined to conditions in our Motherland. Yet we now have to apply that analysis to the United States and its relationship to the world. The current president was elected because of his mantra of “change”. Increasingly, we see Obama as rescuing all the most odious forms of US political culture: militarism, international finance, and expansionism. Which means he represents just a mere changing of the guard.

AFRICOM is a plan to place military bases in Africa. Now Obama has already made comments about US policy, in comparison to Cuba. In those comments he compared Cuba favorably, noting that Latin American leaders have stated that while the primary form of aid they receive from the United States is weapons shipments, they really could not survive without the medical aid and physicians that Cuba has sent them over the years. Obama expressed his intention on changing that imbalance.

Africa, being a destitute region, has its share of problems. Parasitic worms plague people; women daily walk miles to carry drinking and cooking water home to their families; war, rape and AIDS have intensified during the post-colonial era. It does not seem as tho AFRICOM can provide any answers for African people.

Some folks might point this out as a form of selective memory but, clearly, the black prez suffers from Politically Acquired Ideological Deficiency Syndrome (PAIDS) as do many of his African counterparts.

The strategic importance of AFRICOM to the US does not concern the people of Africa, except to the extent that it will be imposed upon them. As an African born in America, my black consciousness is primary. It means more to me to see the rise of our people at home than the continuation of a durable Imperialism. The US continues to produce strong expressions of racism in media, in culture, economics and in politics. Police murders of blacks have become outrageous since the Obama election. Obama was elected because people, white and Latino and black, have become disgusted with the policies in American political life. Yet he has miserably failed to take any strident steps and turns away from this. His rhetoric often says one thing, as in the words he spoke to the Organization of American States, tho the policy continues to maintain the historical status quo.

Indeed, even his rhetoric often belies his genuine stance. Following his Ghana visit, Obama met with AIPAC (American-Israel Political Action Committee). Brother president did not tell them to stop blaming the Holocaust for their problems (?) nor did he suggest that Israel cease relying upon US foreign aid — which amounts to over half the US foreign aid budget — and do for itself. Still, that is what he said while in Ghana. Obama said Africans must stop blaming colonialism and begin to depend upon their own devices, even while pushing AFRICOM. His statements in Ghana are reminiscent of last year’s Fathers Day speech, wherein he castigated absentee fathers in the black community, while ignoring conditions like unemployment which cause social disintegration and black family instability.

While the US GDP is about $13 trillion, the current military budget is $969 billion. The US maintains 737 bases around the world. It seeks to ring bases around Africa (AFRICOM) to guarantee access to oil. By 2015, it is estimated the US will receive 25% of its oil imports from Africa, which has already become the main supplier to the United States. Other strategic resources that AFRICOM will defend include coltan, gold, platinum, diamonds, timber, agriculture, political allies and labor.
African does not need foreign troops on its soil. While Obama says stop blaming colonialism, he forgets how the former colonial powers have behaved in the post-colonial period. This involves the overthrow of Nkrumah, Azikwe, Tolbert and others. During this period, history records the overthrow and physical liquidation of Patrice Lumumba for the long-term destabilization of Congo for Imperialist interests. Agents killed Cabral, Neto and Mondlane in newly independent Portuguese colonies, severely the path of development for Guinea-Bissau, Angola and Mozambique, respectively. Apartheid South Africa waged war against neighboring countries and its black population right up thru the Nineties, routinely invading Mozambique, Namibia, Botswana, Zimbabwe and Angola.

The US has had its own sordid background in Africa, hunting down Somali President Mohammed El Aidid and flying vicious sorties over Mogadishu neighborhoods. The US has sent gunships to Liberia and Sierra Leone. CIA agents have played a role in many coups in Africa. The US benefits from the destabilization of DRC, backing the occupiers of Eastern DRC, Uganda’s Yoweri Musaveni and Rwanda’s Paul Kagame. The effects of a US military presence are already obvious to anyone with a critical eye.

The solution for Africa’s problems is not AFRICOM. It is not foreign aid. It is in what Kwame Nkrumah stated and so tirelessly worked towards, the unification of Africa under a singular socialist state. That is not on the agenda for the majority of African leaders, who seek to maintain their despotic grips on power to control fiefdoms for Imperialism. Such leaders maintain the status quo, with Africa remaining a begging bowl ravaged by guinea worm, schistosomiasis, AIDS, war, malnutrition, rape, and ignorance. Cheik Anta Diop, John Henrik Clarke and other great historians had great suggestions for redeeming our Motherland from the chokehold of capitalism. We have to accept their advice to free our people.

When Obama attended the OAS conference a few months ago, Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez gave him a book, Eduardo Galeano’s prosaic, polemic tour de force, The Open Veins of Latin America. Had Obama read it, that would signify the beginning of real change in the United States White House.

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Flogging the Willie Lynches

Defeat Neo-Colonial Ideology!

An African patriot, a brother from the DR Congo, recently stated on his Facebook page that he had just crossed the James River (Virginia), where Willie Lynch supposedly delivered his infamous speech. This young brother, a steeled freedom fighter for the Congolese African people, has obviously been exposed to the mythology of the black middle class. Willie Lynch never delivered any speeches in Virginia on how whip crackers need to manage their slaves. Yet he did not kno this, and mistook the urban legend as fact.

Needless to say, this myth has been made famous by people like Louis Farrakhan, Jesse Jackson and Al Sharpton, to name a few. Today, it is often used to explain the “self-inflicted” disasters within the ghetto, the African colony inside the United States.

The ghetto, as a colony or neo-colony, whichever you prefer, is a destabilized zone. Capitalism destabilizes class forces across the social spectrum.

This is the character of Capitalism. It destablizes the producing classes as a matter of policy, by creating dependency. At the same time, Capitalism destabilizes the middle class (petty bourgeoisie) because that class resides between the ruling class (capitalist class, or bourgeoisie) and the producing classes. African people produce everything society needs for its existence. We do not need the bourgeoisie or its managerial base, the middle class, but currently we maintain this relationship.

The Capitalist class is also currently experiencing widespread destabilization because of the currency manipulation by the international finance sector, the ones who have come out on top economically and politically. Before we panic at what has happened to the Big Three, the banks, and other business entities, we must see corporations as mere tools for concentrating capital (money) in the hands of as few as possible.

Of course, this accumulation of capital assets (land, mines, slaves, machinery, factories and money) began with two horrific, genocidal crimes, the Transatlantic African Captivity (the Maafa) and European settlements in North America (Turtle Island) and elsewhere. This became the origin of capitalist wealth as well as that of destabilization.

The Willie Lynch Speech reflects back to this period (1712, allegedly). Prof Manu Ampim has thoroly debunked Willie Lynch. He has showed how it is out of context with history, as well as submitting sources which lead Africans out of the self-absorbed fascination with their colonial identity and towards a genuine history of struggle.

Jelani Cobb and others have also debunked the Willie Lynch Speech as well. Willie Lynch is an urban myth. It came out of prolly the Seventies and was a middle class reaction to the Black Liberation Movement of the Sixties. Willie Lynch is just an excuse for people to hold onto the old ways Malcolm X, the Panthers and others have worked so tirelessly to vanquish.

There is no better antidote to the colonial mentality, if we may buy into Frantz Fanon, than a firm grasp of history, your accomplishments, the battles we have fought and the causes we have raised.

So the black middle class has no analysis of the financial meltdown and no scientific analysis of class relationships. Without an analysis of economics, how can Farrakhan or Jesse or Sharpton provide leadership? Farrakhan, for one, totally ignores the economic conditions inside our community, except for citing the mantra, “do for self”. Jesse and Sharpton cannot use Willie Lynch to define capitalism, unemployment, regentrification nor any other ill afflicting African people.

The black petty bourgeoisie as a whole cannot solve its own problems. Despite all their education, statistically, they trail white workers in stacking long-term assets such as real estate and retirement funds. Petty bourgeois ideas are inadequate for the purposes of an oppressed nationality. Neo-colonialism is an inadequate exchange for the liberation and unity of African people. Inadequate! The ideology of neo-colonialism keeps us locked in an unprincipled relationship to Capitalism, a relationship which needs to be broken.

Politically Acquired Ideological Deficiency Syndrome (PAIDS) is the way AZAPO Cde Mongezi Sifika Nkomo has described the black middle class. That is a more accurate description and definition than Willie Lynch Syndrome. Here is how PAIDS is described:

…Politically Acquired Ideological Deficiency Syndrome (PAIDS) …
A negro does not believe any other system will ever exist in our lifetimes.
A negro will never work for the Revolution.
A negro may try to convince you that capitalism is forever, that it cannot be destroyed, and that nothing better can possibly exist+
Negroes will work for Imperialism under any circumstances, and will work against the liberation movement in one way or another.

….PAIDS is the trouble with negroes.

Once people understand how alien is the profit-motive for African people, nay, all people, they will aim to break with Capitalism. The working class does not make any profit on its labor; that is impossible. Otherwise, there cannot be profits for the capitalist classes to distribute amongst themselves.

Thus, the question for African people is who shall we follow, our ne(gr)o-colonial leadership, or the revolutionaries who have striven against the Capitalist system? Those of us in the belly of the Beast must make a decision, whether to remain within the System and be digested and excreted thru its bowels or to forge resolute unity and come out thru its heart!

A Brief Overview of the Current Crisis

PAIDS, Racism and the Ideological Paradox

This period of capitalism is marked by several key aspects which have been so far discussed and defined, in the main, as challenges which confront the working classes. Summed up in a type of short-hand so as to make for easier understanding, they are as follows:

PAIDS, which is false consciousness amongst the colonized workers
Neo-Colonialism, or the dilution of the concentrated class question
Racism, the Concentrated Class Struggle
The Ideological Paradox: Democracy at work for Neo-Fascist Imperialism
Anti-Imperialism, necessary to downthro Imperialism and birth a new society

To begin with, Politically Acquired Ideological Deficiency Syndrome (PAIDS) means to explain the saturation of false consciousness within the colonized community within the US. However, it can also sufficiently explain all forms of false consciousness within the working classes as well. By false consciousness, PAIDS means any view which identifies with the ruling class and does not help to liberate the oppressed masses. It is marked by either a lack of an anti-imperialist dialectic or outright unity with Imperialism itself.

A seeming paradox posed against false consciousness, racism, as the concentrated class struggle, has simply drawn the greatest volume of discussion and dialog. It seems as tho resistance to a scientific understanding of the class struggle persists. Too many working class people do not seem to grasp that within a class system the class question defines all social relationships.

Neo-colonialism, in all accuracy, does not reflect PAIDS but the dilution of the concentrated class struggle.

To break down racism as an extension of the class question seems to contradict everything that we have been taught about race. Yet people fail to understand that class existed before racial conflict. That is, class societies have existed on every continent on the planet.

They existed prior to capitalism. In slave and feudal societies, caste systems often prevailed. These instance arose when one society conquered another and occupied its territory. The enslaved nationality was subjugated under the yoke of a caste system, its leaders slaughtered and women raped.

Now while this happened under capitalism, and gave the capitalist system its boost and forward momentum, the conquerors no longer occupied neighboring lands. A form of colonialism, they conquered entire continents and transported captives from far away to work the soil. These captives were dramatically different from the conquerors in appearance and culture. So the theory of race evolved.

Having colonized nearly every inch of the Earth, the capitalists codified their domination in laws. In China, the British posted signs stating “No Dogs, and No Chinese Allowed”, as if dogs can read. The US made the transition from slavery to jim crow, having similar strictures. In Rhodesia and South Africa, apartheid was practiced.

The class question became concentrated, focused the way a magnifying glass concentrates the sun, upon the colonized workers. Anyone who says that racism is not the concentrated class struggle has no concept of class, of struggle and of capitalism.

To turn to the economic meltdown, it is just an expression of the Ideological Paradox. People must understand this. The Ideological Paradox is formed from two social phenomenon working in tandem.

Bourgeois Democracy simply allows people to choose their government, then blame them for electing representatives who work against them. Imperialism, international finance capitalism, is the economic system which determines the policy that bourgeois elected leaders must follow. The paradox is that the two are incompatible together, since a dictatorship operated by a small class of financial manipulators ultimately calls all the shots, thereby making democracy an empty ideal.

With the election of a liberal neo-colonial president in the USA, we can define this period as Imperialism thru Democracy. The apparent easing of repressive legislation, the steps and turns to restore a Keynesian economic model, and generally liberalized policies in US society have lifted many fears and apprehensions. However, the policies of previous administrations remain entrenched.

If the crisis in capitalism takes place at the juncture of the class struggle, it bears saying that democracy merely operates as a tool for class domination. Bourgeois democracy simply allows people to choose their oppressor, then blame them for the government they have elected. While the working class continues to comprise the vast majority of people in this country, somehow they have become convinced that the US is a middle class country. More importantly, workers have come to believe they comprise the middle class. This presents more evidence of PAIDS, or false consciousness.

For this reason, they have voted for anti-labor politics over the last thirty years, or Democracy thru Imperialism. Which means spreading democracy thru what appears to be the strength of international finance capitalism. At times, this involves using the military solution to gird strategic interests. Even when democracy appears to spread Imperialism, the military solution never gets taken off the table.

So the anti-imperialist struggle must be waged to counter the parasitic tendency within capitalist society in general, and in the Imperialist system as a whole. While the importance of building workers collectives, cooperatives and communities of resistance (kilombos, palenques and maroon enclaves) must be stressed, other areas of the struggle need be built.

African and other colonized workers must increase the demand for Reparations and working class justice. This takes the form of community control of police, to dilute the power of the ruling class, as well as wealth dilution. This means workers control of plants, businesses, and infrastructure. It means reduction of the banking system and radicalizing a rebuilt union movement. The workers do not have the luxury of allowing the bourgeoisie to define this period. We have to seize the means of production, and exercise power in our own interests.

Petty Bourgeoisie in Crisis and Conflict

PAIDS and the Black Middle Class

…Politically Acquired Ideological Deficiency Syndrome (PAIDS) …
A negro does not believe any other system will ever exist in our lifetimes.
A negro will never work for the Revolution.
A negro may try to convince you that capitalism is forever, that it cannot be destroyed, and that nothing better can possibly exist+
Negroes will work for Imperialism under any circumstances, and will work against the liberation movement in one way or another.

….PAIDS is the trouble with negroes

One chief problem with the analyses that cross our daily travels is they almost invariably fail to see the big picture. These attempted breakdowns of events in society, and to black folks in particular, resemble the five blind men who fondled an elephant. One felt the trunk and thought it a snake; another felt the leg, believing it was a tree; the third felt the ear and assumed it was a fan; still another touched its tusks, saying it was a spear. Finally, the last stepped in the elephant’s dookey, and thought it was a mud slide.

Like the blind men, few of us have a comprehensive breakdown of what we are dealing with in this bloodsucking capitalist system. Up to our necks in dookey, we think it’s just a mud puddle. Yet the whole is greater than the sum of its parts. Hence, to understand the whole reveals the raison d’etre of its parts, their reason for being.

Probably the biggest failure to understand this derives from the black middle class. Two books, The Black Bourgeoisie by E. Franklin Frazier and The Crisis of the Negro Intellectual by Harold Cruse, explain more to black Americans than the sum of all other works on the genre combined. These two giant exponents of revolutionary analysis give us the best look into the heart of the black middle class and its failure to provide effective leadership. They define the black petty bourgeoisie as a class in crisis, frustrated by its linkage to capitalism and the black working class community which gives it legitimacy. Remove its ideological leadership over the masses of African people, and its relationship to capitalism becomes useless.

The duality of black middle class consciousness, that is, the divided mindset based upon servility to Imperialism and leadership over the black colony, produces a confusing mishmash of ideas and ideologies that cannot help our community move ahead.

Dual consciousness has its basis in the class contradiction. It is, as Malcolm X pointed out, at once identifying with the slave master while striving to represent “a positive image” to the slave. Simultaneously, these “positive images” lack substance. Images all lack substance. An image is a picture, a statue, a representation of something real or imagined. For that reason, the NAACP annually produces its Image Awards. Black magazines and newspapers continually talk about presenting positive images. Mentoring is a method for fostering images. What happens, tho, when the image proves to be false or corrupt or superficial, as all too often proves the case?

Today’s youth culture has come to believe in the images on the dollar bill, images which can be exchanged for something of real value, even if the images themselves prove superficial. The youth have little use for leaders, anymore, because the rhetoric of the black middle class has too many deficiencies and not enuf depth. This class fails to link capitalism with parasitism on the black community. It fails to organize effectively and inadequately supports revolutionary sectors in the black colony, even while racism obviously enjoys legitimacy in capitalist society. The black middle class seems only interested in its own comfort, promotion and exclusivity in the midst of a holocaust taking place in Haiti, the Congo and right here.

In some cases, the black middle class forms the frontline in the war against the black community and its working class soldiers.

It is the middle class that helped arrest, jail, convict and imprison Jamil Al Amin in Atlanta. It is the middle class waging war against Mukasa Dada. The black middle class opposed the anti-apartheid divestment campaign on HBCU campuses across the country. The black middle class in league with Imperialism produced the backwards culture of gangsta rap, and reactionaries like Stanley Crouch and Juan Williams. It produced Clarence Thomas, Ward Connerly, Michael Steele and other enemies of the black community. This reveals the essence of Politically Acquired Ideological Deficiency Syndrome. Because the black middle class lacks an anti-imperialist analysis, because it poses itself as the leadership of the black masses, it remains uncritical of sell outs because PAIDS means getting over and selling out in some way or another.

So the inadequate analyses of the civil rights era left our community bereft of genuine leadership, especially following the US government war against revolutionary movements. Ideas got coopted. Mukasa Ricks started the momentum for the slogan “Black Power”, even tho it had earlier beginnings with Malcolm X and Robert F. Williams. Then, the slogan got quickly transformed to mean something else, “green power, money,” as Floyd McKissick redefined it. Fred Hampton’s Rainbow Coalition, meant to build solidarity for the Black Panthers in their work thru out the black colony, became something else when Jesse Jackson took over the concept. So in this way, crucial elements of our most rapidly growing and most relevant trends became watered down and reformed to better suit the needs of capitalism.

Today, instead of a scientific class analysis of racist confrontation, folks get deluded by a color theory. That is like fighting fire with fire, instead of fighting it with water. Because Imperialism uses a color theory to build and maintain the racist conflict. Theories about Ham, about “survival of the fittest”, about Aryan supremacy and all sorts of nonsense populate the white community and the best the black middle class can do is create more myths. We need a scientific analysis that will remain consistent despite changing conditions, and will provide us with a basis for building  communities of resistance. You cannot build a community of resistance when working for a career. That career can be inside a capitalist corporation or it can be a career making speeches and writing books that do nothing for our advancement.

We have to understand that Imperialism faces a crisis. During this period, the shot callers do not want to see social upheaval turn this country inside out. So they have diluted the racist system by having you focus on a part instead of the whole. They have elevated the status of Imperialism’s neo-colonial program. And one negro in the whites house with PAIDS, who has pulled the US out of the World Conference Against Racism, playing a role similar to Colin Powell’s 2001 act, cannot possibly recognize nor articulate the contradictions facing black people in America or around this planet. We have to begin fighting back against Imperialism.

The time is now to demand Reparations. We must make the demand while the government is doling out $800 billion to bloodsucking financial institutions. We must say we need a program to get our communities on their feet. We must demand this money to help our people not just in this country but thru out the Caribbean and Africa. Working class Africans cannot afford to come down with PAIDS. We have to build our own communities. We have the skills. History only requires our unity and resolve.

News

State of the Black World Conference Policy Declaration

November 19 – 23, 2008, more than 1,000 people of African descent
convened under the auspices of the Institute of the Black World
21st Century in New Orleans for the first major gathering of Black
people after the election of Barack Obama as President of the
United States of America. Filled with hope and expectations for 
the dawning of a new era in the history of this nation and the 
world, the participants came to celebrate a monumental achievement 
but also to somberly assess the state of Black people in America 
and the world. Centered on the theme Return to the Source: 
Restoring Family, Rebuilding Community, Renewing the Struggle, New 
Orleans was selected as the site for the conference because it is 
the metaphor for the myriad of maladies that afflict urban 
communities across this nation as a consequence of massive 
disinvestment, deindustrialization, globalization and decades of
blatant neglect. (...)

For the complete presentation by Ron Daniels, plus commentary,
go to The BlackList.

Democracy and Racism

The Black Dialectic in Post-Neocon America

by I. Langalibalele

Many people in the black community have an aversion to the class question. That is, people avoid discussing relationships between the haves and have nots in any serious way. This seems due to the lack of any real democratic rights black working class and poor people may have in America. Everywhere our issues are raised, others seem intent on drowning out our voices or speaking up for us, ultimately with the goal of diluting our message.
It is the responsibility of organizers to break thru our temerity and elevate a class analysis that penetrates the broad masses of African people and repudiates Imperialism and especially the right-wing.
A close examination of racism shows that it is an expression of the class conflict which forms the basis of capitalist social relations. Racism is an expression of colonialism, and the backwards color theory of racist confrontation bases itself upon subjugating all colonized people so that mobility can be concentrated within the oppressor nation. African people understand how racism operates. Racism places the lowest caste among the colonizers above the best of the colonized.
For instance, white racist Byron de la Beckwith felt free to assassinate NAACP leader Medgar Evers in 1963 because de la Beckwith knew the system would not punish him for killing a black man. Same thing with James Earl Ray. In the Tulsa riots of 1921, whites destroyed the black business district because that meant black progress and they had to stop black people from having anything more than they owned. The racist, neocon opposition to affirmative action, equal opportunity and other legal remedies — aimed at reversing the effects of 500 years of racist oppression in North America — exists because white racists view blacks as a lower caste. We are supposed to be, as Booker T Washington paraphrased from the Biblical ‘drawers of water and hewers of wood for white people in this country.’
Some people attribute violent white behavior to emotional responses such as jealousy or hatred. Yet emotions begin with the racism people get taught in church, school, at home and in other cultural and political settings. Whites have been conditioned for 500 years to think of themselves as superior to everybody else and consider the colonized niggers of the world as their do-boys.
In Vietnam, American soldiers considered the people there gooks, slopes or rice niggers. If the Arabs were whites instead of towel heads or sand niggers, the Zionists would never have any support in America. Eskimos are ice niggers in Sarah Palin’s Alaska and cowboys routinely call the American Indians prairie niggers. Every colonized group is some kind of nigger. That is all the word mean is you are a slave under capitalism and Imperialism.
Racial conflict hones the very sharp edges of the class struggle. Since politics is economics concentrated, then racism concentrates the class question. However, during the rise of monopoly sector capitalism in the Twentieth Century, it became increasingly more difficult to maintain the strict, rigid class barriers that had been defined via racism. The years foreshadowing World War II forced competing ideas within the capitalist spheres to come into direct conflict. Capitalism’s collapse during the Great Depression instigated important social movements which began the decline of strict, race-based (colonial) relationships.
In Europe, the global economic disaster flushed out the most reactionary sections of the capitalist class. Germany, Italy, Portugal and Spain led the fascist movement which threatened to engulf Europe. At the 1940 Berlin Olympics, Hitler’s Aryan supermen competed against America’s nigger sons in track and boxing and came up short. This competition also caused America to seriously reevaluate its racist Jim Crow policy, tho change did not begin in earnest until the mid Fifties. Eventually, the most parasitic forces of reaction started a war the extreme right-wingers of Imperialism couldn’t finish.
Today, Imperialism — also known as international finance capitalism  (“monopoly sector capitalism”) characterized by the proliferation of powerful corporations that function like actual nation states — has reached its apex. It has totally saturated the entire globe at one level or another, and redefined the way people live. It imports and exports capital assets, it hides wealth by concentrating it into “asset-backed commercial paper,” documents which represent millions of dollars in value, which can be packed into a briefcase or a wallet and negotiated anywhere on the planet. Imperialism has become as rotten ripe as it can possibly become and Imperialism is also the highest stage of capitalism.
Now that capitalism is undergoing another economic crisis like it did in the Thirties and Forties, the forces of reaction in America have become let loose. They want a fascist dictatorship like the ones which reduced Europe to a rubble in the Forties. The neocons forget or don’t kno that fascism arose because of the economic crisis; fascism is an emergency political regime that is based upon repression. Hitler, known to the pigs as the leech who rebuilt Germany in twelve years, is also the one who employed armed managers (the Gestapo, the SS and the army) to enforce production quotas from workers. Mussolini, Franco and Salazar used similar tactics.
While the neoconservative reactionaries in this country try to stampede the masses by saying they don’t want socialism, the Keynesian capitalism upon which FDR modeled the US economic recovery still was based upon Jim Crow and colonialism. African people have walked away from slavery and Jim Crow, and we will fight to the death before we ever return to that. We refuse to submit to any system referred to as “voodoo economics” by its own neocon proponents.
We must be clear, as black workers in America, that our efforts have built this country and so we have an important voice to be raised. The interests which we seek to articulate must no longer be coopted by interpreters or middle class aspirants. Let them speak for themselves or their own class interests. We can speak for ourselves, and we have little to no relationship to the Democratic Party or the GOP.
Our interests involve economic and political control of our own community. We want the Black Panther Party program. We want the Uhuru Movement program. We demand reparations and an end to the neo-fascist prison industry built on our backs. If white people don’t want socialism, fine and good, but we want something which will move our community forward and out of dependency on Imperialism.
There is a black dialectic which differs from mainstream capitalist culture; it differs from what most preachers say in church on Sunday, and it differs from what black commentators say in black newspapers. It is something which you might read over the blogosphere or get in a conversation with somebody on the bus or on a corner. However, it is not the discussion on the radio or on BET.
And the efforts of the self-led black proletariat to distill this discussion into a political message represents a polemic against capitalism which deserves to be broadly articulated.
This is the message that has been shouted down, denied any democratic forum in American politics, and treated as tho it were a criminal or terrorist ideology. One thousand Byron de la Beckwiths exist for every African who has clarity about the role of black workers and poor people in US society. One thousand James Earl Rays rise up every time an organizer fights to advance conditions inside our community as a matter of anti-racist struggle. Our communities across this country look like the aftermath of the Tulsa riots and yet we are supposed to remain quiet, and be afraid of what the reactionaries call “socialism”. We must demand socialism, we must demand change more than we kno the capitalist system is willing to concede, but we must demand what we kno we can get if it takes sweat and blood to get it.