Happy Birthday Greetings to MAJ from Subcommandante Marcos

via:  Greg Ruggiero

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Hi All–

I thought you would like this birthday letter written to Mumia ten years ago by Subcomandante Insurgente Marcos spokesperson for the clandestine Mexican insurgent group, the Zapatistas. The original letter was written in Spanish. Both the English and Spanish versions were first published here in the books “Our Word is Our Weapon, Selected Writings of Subcomandante Insurgente Marcos” and “Nuestra Arma es Nuestra Palabra.”

La lucha sigue!

va un abrazo desde Brooklyn,

Greg


Greg Ruggiero | Editor | City Lights Books | www.citylights.com

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Letter To Mumia Abu-Jamal

April 24, 1999

For: Mumia Abu-Jamal, American Union

From: Subcomandante Insurgente Marcos, Mexico


Mr. Mumia:

I am writing to you in the name of the men, women, children and elderly of the Zapatista National Liberation Army in order to congratulate you on April 24, your birthday.

Perhaps you have heard of us. We are Mexican, mostly indigenous, and we took up arms on January 1, 1994 demanding a voice, a face and a name for the forgotten of the earth.

Since then, the Mexican government has made war on us, pursues and harasses us seeking our death, our disappearance and our absolute silence. The reason? These lands are rich with oil, uranium and precious lumber. The government wants them for the great transnational companies. We want them for all Mexicans. The government sees our lands as a business. We see our history written in these lands. In order to defend our right (and that of all Mexicans) to live with liberty, democracy, justice and dignity we became an army and took on a name, a voice and face.

Perhaps you wonder how we know of you, about your birthday, and why it is that we extend this long bridge which goes from the mountains of the Mexican Southeast to the prison of Pennsylvania where you are incarcerated unjustly. Many good people from many parts of the world have spoken of you, through them we have learned how you were ambushed by the North American police in December of 1981, of the lies which they constructed in the procedures against you, and of your death sentence in 1982. We learned about your birthday through the international mobilizations which, under the name of “Millions for Mumia,” are being prepared this April 24.

It is harder to explain this bridge which this letter extends, it is more complicated. I could tell you that, for the powerful of Mexico and the government, to be indigenous, or to look indigenous, is reason for disdain, abhorrence, distrust and hatred. The racism which now floods the palaces of power in Mexico goes to the extreme of carrying out a war of extermination and genocide against millions of indigenous. I am sure that you will find similarities with what power in the United States does with the so-called “people of color” (African-American, Chicanos, Puerto Ricans, Asians, North American Indians and any other peoples who do not have the insipid color of money).

We are also “people of color” (the same color as our brothers who have Mexican blood and live and struggle in the American Union). Our color is “brown,” the color of the earth, the color from which we take our history, our strength, our wisdom and our hope. But in order to struggle we add the color black to our brown. We use black ski-masks to show our faces, only then can we be seen and heard. Following the advice of an indigenous Mayan elder, who explained to us the meaning of the color black, we chose this color.

Old Don Antonio, this wise elder, died in these rebel Zapatista lands in March of 1994, a victim of tuberculosis which gnawed away at his lungs and his breath. Old Don Antonio used to tell us that from black came light and from there came the stars which light up the sky around the world. He recounted a story of a long time ago (in the times when time was not measured), when the first gods were given the task of giving birth to the world. In one of their meetings they understood that the world needed to have life and movement, and to have life and movement, light was necessary. Then they thought of making the sun in order that the days move and so that there would be day and night and time for struggling and time for making love, and the world would go walking with the days and nights. The gods had their meeting and made this agreement in front of a large fire, and they knew it was necessary that one of them be sacrificed by throwing himself into the fire and himself become fire and fly into the sky. The gods thought that the sun’s work was the most important, so they chose the most beautiful god so that he would fly into the fire and become the sun. But he was afraid. Then the smallest god, the one who was black, said he was not afraid and he threw himself into the fire and became the sun. Then the world had light and movement, and there was time for struggle and time for love, and while it was day the bodies worked to make the world and while it was night the bodies made love and sparkles filled the darkness.

This is what Old Don Antonio told us and that is why we use black ski masks. So we are of the color brown and of the color black. But we are also the color yellow, because the first people who walked these lands were made of corn so they would be true. And we are also red because this is the call of blood which has dignity, and we are also blue because we are the sky in which we fly, and green for the mountain which is our house and our strength. And we are white because we are paper so that tomorrow can write its story.

So we are 7 colors because there were 7 first gods who birthed the world.

This is what Old Don Antonio said long ago and now I tell you this story so that you may understand the reason for this bridge of paper and ink which I send to you all the way from the mountains of the Mexican Southeast.

And also so that you may understand that with this bridge go greetings and embraces for Leonard Peltier (who is in the prison at Leavenworth, Kansas), and for the more than 100 political prisoners in the USA who are the victims of injustice, stupidity and authoritarianism.

And with this letter-bridge walks as well a greeting for the Dine (the Navajo), who fight in Big Mountain, Arizona against the violations of their traditional Dine religious practices.” They struggle against those who favor large businesses instead of respect for the religious freedom of Indian peoples, against those who want to destroy sacred grounds and ceremonial sites (as is the case of Peabody Western Coal Company which, without reason, wants to take the lands and the land rights, and the history which belong to the Dine and their future generations.)

But this letter-bridge has more than just stories of resistance against North American injustice. In the extreme south of our continent, in Chile, the indigenous Mapuche women in the Pewenche Center of Alto Bio-Bio confront stupidity. Bertha and Nicolasa Quintreman are accused of “mistreating” members of the armed forces of the Chilean government. There you have it.  An armed military unit with rifles, sticks, and tear-gas, protected by bulletproof vests, helmets and shields, accuse two indigenous women of “mistreatment.” But Bertha is 74 years old and Nicolasa is 60. How is it possible that two elderly people confronted a “heroic” group of heavily-armed military? Because they are Mapuche. The story is the same as that of the Dine brothers and sisters of Arizona—it repeats itself throughout the Americas. A company—ENDESA—wants the Mapuches’ land, and in spite of the law which protects the indigenous, the government is on the side of the companies. The Mapuche students have pointed out that the government and the company with the military intelligence made a “study” of the Mapuche communities and concluded that the Mapuche could not think, defend themselves, resist, or build a better future for themselves. Apparently, the study was wrong.

Now it occurs to me that, perhaps the powerful in North America carried out a similar “military intelligence” study (frankly, this is a contradiction, because those of us who are military are not intelligent, if we were we would not be military) about the case of the Dine in Arizona, about Leonard Peltier, about other political prisoners, about yourself, Mr. Mumia.

Perhaps they made this study and came to the conclusion that they might be able to violate justice and reason, to assault history and lose the truth, and that no one would say anything. The Dine Indians would stand by and watch the destruction of the most sacred of their history, Leonard Peltier would be alone, and you, Mister Mumia, would be silenced. ( I remember your own words: “They not only want my death, they want my silence.”)

But the studies were wrong. Happy mistake? The Dine resist against those who would kill their memory, Leonard Peltier is accompanied by all those who demand his liberty, and you sir, today you speak and shout with all the voices which celebrate your birthday as all birthdays should be celebrated, by struggling.

Mr. Mumia:

We have nothing big to give you as a gift for your birthday. It is poor and little, but all of us send you an abrazo—an embrace.

We hope that when you gain your freedom you will come to visit us. Then we will give you a birthday party, even if it isn’t April 24, it will be an unbirthday party. There will be music, dance and talk, which are the means by which men and women of all colors understand and know one another, and build bridges over which they walk together, towards history, towards tomorrow.

Happy Birthday!

Vale. We greet you and may justice and truth find their place.

From the mountains of the Mexican Southeast,

Subcomandante Insurgente Marcos

Mexico, April of 1999

P.S. I read somewhere that you are a father and a grandfather. So I am sending you a gift for your children and grandchildren. It is a little wooden car with Zapatistas dressed in black ski-masks.

Tell your children and grandchildren that it is a gift the Zapatistas have sent you. You can explain to them that there are people of all colors everywhere, just like you, who want justice, liberty and democracy for people of all colors.

Letter To the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania, USA

April of 1999

For: Mr. Tom Ridge

Governor of Pennsylvania

United States, North America

From : Subcomandante Insurgente Marcos

Mexico


To the Magistrate and Governor

Dear sirs:

I write to you in the name of the men, women, children and elderly of the EZLN. Most of us are indigenous Mexicans and we struggle for liberty, democracy and justice.

The purpose of the following letter is to demand justice in the case of Mr. Mumia Abu-Jamal, condemned unjustly to the death penalty in 1982. As you know, the judicial process against Mister Mumia Abu-Jamal was plagued with lies and irregularities: the police who accuse him lied about a supposed confession of his, one of the witnesses has changed testimony and declared that he was forced to lie or face prison, the ballistic evidence has proved it was impossible that Mister Mumia Abu-Jamal fired the weapon which killed the policeman. This should be enough evidence for a new trial, but even this recourse has been denied to Mister Mumia Abu-Jamal. If the Judicial system of Pennsylvania and the governor are certain of the guilt of Mister Mumia Abu-Jamal, they should not fear a new trial which adheres to the truth.

I do not ask clemency, pardon, nor mercy from you for Mister Mumia Abu-Jamal. I demand justice, something which I believe is within your powers. No one within the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania or governor Tom Ridge has anything to lose. A new trial can bring the truth forward, and justice, supposedly, is all that should matter.

That is all. From the mountains of the Mexican Southeast,

Subcomandante Insurgente Marcos




Check Langalibalele’s Political Journals I & II:
Mbantunyankompong
Kilombo Republic

Kilombo Republic II

Find Langalibalele’s Work also at these Sites:
Whispering Art
Urbanite Dweller
Umshini Wam
Afro Spear
My Train of Thoughts
Assata Shakur Forums


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WELL PAST TIME TO RAISE UP:
Stop the Police State Execution of
MUMIA ABU-JAMAL!!!

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Luis Posada Carriles, US Guest, International Terrorist

Havana.  April 9, 2009

Posada accused in relation to the attacks in Havana

Jean-Guy Allard

IN a surprising change of strategy, Washington district attorneys responsible for the case against Luis Posada Carriles have increased the number of charges brought against the international terrorist in El Paso, Texas, with respect to false statements in relation to the campaign of attacks that he unleashed in Havana in 1997.

According to the AP, Posada is now charged with having lied about his involvement “in seeking individuals to carry out attacks in Cuba.” More specifically, the district attorneys specified that he failed to tell the truth about having asked Salvadorian mercenary Raúl Cruz León to take explosives to the island for attacks designed to damaging tourist activity.

One of the acts of terrorism perpetrated by Cruz León, contracted by Posada in El Salvador, resulted in the death of Italian tourist Fabio di Celmo. Posada has admitted to his involvement in these crimes in interviews published in the United States.

With a lengthy record in terrorism, including the mid-flight destruction of a Cuban civilian aircraft that caused the death of all 73 people on board, Posada now faces 11 charges, once again appearing before Federal Judge Kathleen Cardone, who previously released him.

The change of strategy on the part of the district attorneys, headed by John W. Van Lonkhuyzen, who belong to the Anti-Terrorist Section of the Justice Department – now directed by Eric Holder – would seems to correspond to a review of the case given repeated extradition applications by the Venezuelan government, in the run up to the Americas Summit, where the issue will inevitably be raised.

However, the District Attorney’s Office has limited itself to additional charges perjury and obstruction against the most famous terrorist in the hemisphere, who worked for the CIA for more than 25 years, besides having served in the U.S. Armed Forces. The new charges will be filed today in the El Paso Court, in a hearing where Posada will supposedly have to be present.

The killer torturer, who is of Cuban origin but was naturalized in Venezuela, has been at liberty since May 2007, after the same judge, Kathleen Cardone, rejected the immigration charges brought by the Justice Department of former U.S. president George W. Bush. That ruling was overturned by the New Orleans 5th Circuit Court of Appeal, which ordered a retrial.

Translated by Granma International

New Approaches to Old Questions

Dialectics Simplified

If we sum up capitalism as detrimental to society, and that a new society must emerge to benefit people instead exploit and oppress them, strategies must be developed to help people make the transformation. So since the principle of concentration defines capitalism, any dual and contending social system bases itself upon dilution.

Should capitalism concentrate wealth in as few hands as possible, then our social system must dilute it to benefit as many folks as possible. Where power has become concentrated, there must be methods and strategies for distributing power. If capitalism concentrates the class question, we must thoroly dilute class relations. If politics is economics concentrated, then a diluted political process must replace it. The tyranny of the few can overthrown for a society where all members have an equal stake.

To end this tyranny by the oligarchs, at least a handful of strategies can be proposed in answer to concentrated wealth and power. The time has come for society to seriously examine alternatives to capitalism.

Banks arose for the selfish act of concentrating wealth, so collectives and co-operatives can be built by workers to begin wealth distribution. By contrast, workers collectives exist as political units where people live and work in unity. A revolutionary party is a form of political collective, with democratic structures based upon the principle of volunteerism. Unions are supposed to function like collectives. The organizational structure of community centers, co-ops and other formations may operated along the lines of a collective.

The political component of any collective must have as its objective wealth dilution, plus the consolidation of all its members under revolutionary discipline.

A co-operative operates differently than a collective. Members of a co-operative do not have a formal tie to it, in many cases. The co-operative exists to serve as an outlet for merchants to sell their wares or for workers to have collective buying power. Childcare collectives for working mothers have been very successful. A collective may help individuals locate jobs or education or other services. co-ops have a more limited function than collectives, being organized most often around specific economic needs.

All membership in a co-operative or collective is voluntary and democratic. Rules are decided and those who refuse to follow them may face expulsion.

Community control of policing may be operated along the lines of a co-operative oversight body. This concept, of which the Black Panther Party was its most strident advocate, arose to dilute the political force which imposed itself upon the colonized black community.

Militaries, police forces, private security firms and other forces of armed men exist for the concentration of power. Concentrated power exists because a small class needs to exercise control over the masses. Workers  need no armed managers to force them to produce; but that is what society is coming to, with the growing economic crisis. Concentrated wealth and power represents the greatest threat to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness for everybody except the international financiers.

Diluting power by redistributing it thru society strips away the effects of systematic oppression, political repression, in reality. The mere fact that concentrated political power resides in the hands of an exclusive minority means that repression exists. Not just the potential for repression, but actual repression exists in all capitalist societies with standing armies and police forces. People currently refuse to rise up because they fear the murderous power of the State. This power can be deployed for whatever reason and at which ever time the power structure chooses. Society does not have to be in an uprising for this to happen.

Fascism maintained its grip on Argentina, Paraguay and Chile long after the revolutionary sectors had been subdued. Concentrated power has always violently expressed itself in colonial and neo-colonial zones. Without concentrated power, repression cannot take place. Concentrated power is, simply, repression itself.

How do people dilute political power, that is, how to strip it from the control of a bloodsucking, capitalist two-party system? This same two-party system has led the world economy directly to this seething crisis point. So by imposing term limits the masses can erode this power and the influence of the corporate financiers who back them. Build upon the outrage against the current Congress and other politicos. Demand term limits; even build work for a referendum.

This must be done. This way, new work can break ground for revolutionaries in the Left.

Dialectics is like mathematics: identify the problem, define, then solve for the correct answer. When the terms or problem appears complex, simplify it by breaking it down into sections. Identify, define and solve for each section, then apply the appropriate functions joining those sections together and solve for the entire problem.

For Imperialism, neo-colonialism provides the workaround for the concentrated class question but we have to recognize neo-colonialism as a redundant and moribund structure. What those outside the formal colonies call racism, what the white Left refers to as “superexploitation”, colonialism appears to have been vanquished. However, colonialism has merely acquired the face of the colonized, as Frantz Fanon explained in “Black Skins, White Mask”. The struggle to identify with the colonizer leads to an oppressive relationship over the colonized.

Organizers must attack the concentrated class question at its root. Which means splitting racist white workers by winning progressive and revolutionary white workers over to the anti-colonialist/anti-imperialist struggle. It means deepening the political education process. It means giving these workers the opportunity to blend with Africans, Chicanos and other colonized nationalities so that Internationalism may have a concrete shape.

A great deal of work lay ahead, and the answers cannot be formulated by any one person or group. Yet a push in the right direction is necessary. We need all the components of society to make this transformation. In this time of crisis, we have a little space to accomplish this work, but the urgency of the hour must be impressed upon everybody interested in finding a solution.

Power to the People!
Pamberi ne Chimurenga!

KILOMBO REPUBLIC

African Dialectics:

Build a Black Revolutionary Palenque

(redacted) (dedicated to Troy Davis — Long Live Troy!)


This article was first submitted to the Sons of Africa discussion board. It was a reply to certain individuals who sought to limit to discussion of the US-led financial meltdown the scientific analysis of the crisis by dumping the solution and posing a metaphysical one. This presented a dilemma. These forces, operating in concert,  substituted semantics to deconstruct the analysis that I offered. This resulted in a minor war of words between several internet identities on the one side and myself on the other. Replying that SOA was not intended for conducting English classes but to disseminate information and views of interest to African people, I composed the following piece on dialectics. Now it appears here rewritten, reedited and amplified, and divided into sections for easier reading.

While the grammarians on SOA dissect my sentences to count my errors, rational overstanding depends on another form of analysis called African (historical) materialist dialectics. That involves the study of history thru the filter of African Internationalism, which proposes to the black world that international African unity is the highest expression of Black Political Power. Dialectics studies motion, change, contradictions, opposites and harmony in society. Dialectics studies the primary movement which defines society. So in that spirit, I strive to extend an analysis which serves Africans and all people in our struggle for bread, peace and Black Power.

I am not trying to invent any new theory here. Yet I hope to amplify, define and clarify positions already staked out in the African liberation movement. African Internationalism is Nkrumah’s Pan Africanism boiled down for the working classes. As articulated by the self-led African proletariat (working class revolutionary), it is Pan Africanism for the masses with an improved class articulation.

This theory also takes from Frantz Fanon, Amilcar Cabral, the Black Panther Party for Self-Defense, Walter Rodney, Abdul Alkalimat, Omali Yeshitela and many others. My contribution to these giants is to simplify the race issue by properly defining it as a question of class. Who ever who learns dialectical-historical materialism gets taught that the class struggle in capitalism defines social relations.

Therefore, all relationships based on racial identity must also be defined in terms of class.

The classic black dialectic on race (this derives from the Stalinist-era CPUSA effort to grapple with the question) is that race reflects the ideology of colonialism or white supremacy. But this is an error. White supremacy is the ideology of colonialism and Imperialism. White supremacy formulated the notion that race forms the basis of conflict in society. White supremacy invented race as a social stratification when colonialism came into conflict with indigenous peoples, or shanghaied whole societies to work as slaves and coolies. White supremacy invented racial stratification as a form of class to maintain power and control over the subjugated masses. It states that whites are the ruling class and all others are enslaved by reason of their inherent racial inferiority. White supremacy has formerly used religion and philosophy to justify relegating even the most talented members of non-white nationalities to the most abject status. Racism concentrates class contradictions by subjugating colonized societies beneath even the lowest strata of the colonizers.

Hence, from these origins, racism arose as the concentrated class question within colonialism. Struggles within capitalist society have always exposed the shallow logic of racism. Firstly, and most importantly, the capacity and resolve of the masses to resist colonialism had an impact on bourgeois leaders. The people’s forceful resistance to press gang work — rendering them for execution as slaves, “zombies” and coolies when no longer useful on plantations and in mines — upset the natural order as seen by the colonizers. It did not fit what their Bibles told them. It contradicted what their leading thinkers had written on the subject. The oppressed should have been happy and content.

This view fit perfectly with the original sin of capitalism, as Karl Marx called primitive accumulation. Capitalism is a form of accumulation. Workers and other groups produce actual value. This means they transform raw materials into finished products. Workers take land and transform it into real estate. They take forests and transform them into lumber and then into products as varied as furniture and houses. The workers dam rivers and make them navigable while also fitting them with turbines, made by other workers, to generate hydroelectric power. So on and so forth, these products have worth created by the workers.

Value, which the workers produce, is stripped away from them as a class. This process occurs at the point of production, where the value is produced and as it continues to produce. The value made by the workers gets transformed and concentrated, that is, it is changed into something workers no longer recognize as something they made. Workers are then given just what they need to exist, while the capitalists who produce nothing live in opulence. Just like the masters taking living off the labor of the slaves. Marx calls this alienation, and it gains a social character. When workers become alienated from value, it is actually their own value which they lose. So the alienation assumes different forms. It has a statistical expression, further signs of how the bourgeoisie have alienated the workers. Suicide rates, unemployment, crime, violence, preventative health problems and all other forms of social instability derive from and are directly attributable to capitalism’s devaluation of the worker as a human being. These antagonisms become intensified, magnified, and even concentrated, amongst the colonized working classes.

So, as in all class societies, one group appropriates the value created by another group. Under capitalism, slaves are the workers who defined organized labor when they rose up and struck against the masters.

Accumulation which is non-capitalist or pre-capitalist in its apparent mode is categorized as “primitive”. This includes all forms of human trafficking such as slavery and serfdom, and prison labor under fascism; primitive accumulation also involves organized crime, plus the theft of land by colonizers. In all these examples, the illogic of capitalist relations expresses itself thru the ideology of white supremacy, anything which justifies, perpetuates or involves an economic empire.

In the Imperialist centers, capitalism has been trying to rectify its idiot-logical theories at every step and turn of its existence. For this reason and a few others, today Imperialism needs to dilute the concentrated class struggle. Neo-colonialism is Imperialism’s dilution of the concentrated class struggle. Diluting the concentrated class struggle works as a two-edged sword. At the same time that it blunts the anti-colonial movement, neo-colonialism also blunts racism itself, thereby effectively removing the material and ideological basis for white workers to support Imperialism.

The second key part of this analysis demands revolutionary action. It is something to the effect that scientific socialists must bring down Imperialism; it cannot just be allowed to fall. To do so will unleash the forces of reaction. Not only that, but we have to destroy the economic fodder of capitalism. We must set about doing this as part of revolutionary activity. That is the gist of it; we must diminish the power of asset-backed paper and all forms of capital, which is simply value in concentrated form. Not because we have significant amounts of paper, since we don’t. But because without so doing the Imperialists will still use money as a function of power. As long as people trade with asset-backed paper of any form, capitalists will buy whatever they need including armies to control communities and exercise force in private as well as political matters. Scientific socialism as a working-class State turns society upside down, and places the masses in power to eradicate the ruling classes.

For this reason, what continues to transpire within the Imperialist economic mode remains of utmost importance for us to grasp. We must not allow Imperialism to collapse, but we must be the agents of its demise. Those who remain interested in the dialectical approach may muster the courage to take on Imperialism. And for those who strive to build a society of maroons or a kilombo republic, that is, a fighting black soviet that we may also call a “community of resistance”, this agitational-organizational work aims to achieve that.

Democracy and Racism

The Black Dialectic in Post-Neocon America

by I. Langalibalele

Many people in the black community have an aversion to the class question. That is, people avoid discussing relationships between the haves and have nots in any serious way. This seems due to the lack of any real democratic rights black working class and poor people may have in America. Everywhere our issues are raised, others seem intent on drowning out our voices or speaking up for us, ultimately with the goal of diluting our message.
It is the responsibility of organizers to break thru our temerity and elevate a class analysis that penetrates the broad masses of African people and repudiates Imperialism and especially the right-wing.
A close examination of racism shows that it is an expression of the class conflict which forms the basis of capitalist social relations. Racism is an expression of colonialism, and the backwards color theory of racist confrontation bases itself upon subjugating all colonized people so that mobility can be concentrated within the oppressor nation. African people understand how racism operates. Racism places the lowest caste among the colonizers above the best of the colonized.
For instance, white racist Byron de la Beckwith felt free to assassinate NAACP leader Medgar Evers in 1963 because de la Beckwith knew the system would not punish him for killing a black man. Same thing with James Earl Ray. In the Tulsa riots of 1921, whites destroyed the black business district because that meant black progress and they had to stop black people from having anything more than they owned. The racist, neocon opposition to affirmative action, equal opportunity and other legal remedies — aimed at reversing the effects of 500 years of racist oppression in North America — exists because white racists view blacks as a lower caste. We are supposed to be, as Booker T Washington paraphrased from the Biblical ‘drawers of water and hewers of wood for white people in this country.’
Some people attribute violent white behavior to emotional responses such as jealousy or hatred. Yet emotions begin with the racism people get taught in church, school, at home and in other cultural and political settings. Whites have been conditioned for 500 years to think of themselves as superior to everybody else and consider the colonized niggers of the world as their do-boys.
In Vietnam, American soldiers considered the people there gooks, slopes or rice niggers. If the Arabs were whites instead of towel heads or sand niggers, the Zionists would never have any support in America. Eskimos are ice niggers in Sarah Palin’s Alaska and cowboys routinely call the American Indians prairie niggers. Every colonized group is some kind of nigger. That is all the word mean is you are a slave under capitalism and Imperialism.
Racial conflict hones the very sharp edges of the class struggle. Since politics is economics concentrated, then racism concentrates the class question. However, during the rise of monopoly sector capitalism in the Twentieth Century, it became increasingly more difficult to maintain the strict, rigid class barriers that had been defined via racism. The years foreshadowing World War II forced competing ideas within the capitalist spheres to come into direct conflict. Capitalism’s collapse during the Great Depression instigated important social movements which began the decline of strict, race-based (colonial) relationships.
In Europe, the global economic disaster flushed out the most reactionary sections of the capitalist class. Germany, Italy, Portugal and Spain led the fascist movement which threatened to engulf Europe. At the 1940 Berlin Olympics, Hitler’s Aryan supermen competed against America’s nigger sons in track and boxing and came up short. This competition also caused America to seriously reevaluate its racist Jim Crow policy, tho change did not begin in earnest until the mid Fifties. Eventually, the most parasitic forces of reaction started a war the extreme right-wingers of Imperialism couldn’t finish.
Today, Imperialism — also known as international finance capitalism  (“monopoly sector capitalism”) characterized by the proliferation of powerful corporations that function like actual nation states — has reached its apex. It has totally saturated the entire globe at one level or another, and redefined the way people live. It imports and exports capital assets, it hides wealth by concentrating it into “asset-backed commercial paper,” documents which represent millions of dollars in value, which can be packed into a briefcase or a wallet and negotiated anywhere on the planet. Imperialism has become as rotten ripe as it can possibly become and Imperialism is also the highest stage of capitalism.
Now that capitalism is undergoing another economic crisis like it did in the Thirties and Forties, the forces of reaction in America have become let loose. They want a fascist dictatorship like the ones which reduced Europe to a rubble in the Forties. The neocons forget or don’t kno that fascism arose because of the economic crisis; fascism is an emergency political regime that is based upon repression. Hitler, known to the pigs as the leech who rebuilt Germany in twelve years, is also the one who employed armed managers (the Gestapo, the SS and the army) to enforce production quotas from workers. Mussolini, Franco and Salazar used similar tactics.
While the neoconservative reactionaries in this country try to stampede the masses by saying they don’t want socialism, the Keynesian capitalism upon which FDR modeled the US economic recovery still was based upon Jim Crow and colonialism. African people have walked away from slavery and Jim Crow, and we will fight to the death before we ever return to that. We refuse to submit to any system referred to as “voodoo economics” by its own neocon proponents.
We must be clear, as black workers in America, that our efforts have built this country and so we have an important voice to be raised. The interests which we seek to articulate must no longer be coopted by interpreters or middle class aspirants. Let them speak for themselves or their own class interests. We can speak for ourselves, and we have little to no relationship to the Democratic Party or the GOP.
Our interests involve economic and political control of our own community. We want the Black Panther Party program. We want the Uhuru Movement program. We demand reparations and an end to the neo-fascist prison industry built on our backs. If white people don’t want socialism, fine and good, but we want something which will move our community forward and out of dependency on Imperialism.
There is a black dialectic which differs from mainstream capitalist culture; it differs from what most preachers say in church on Sunday, and it differs from what black commentators say in black newspapers. It is something which you might read over the blogosphere or get in a conversation with somebody on the bus or on a corner. However, it is not the discussion on the radio or on BET.
And the efforts of the self-led black proletariat to distill this discussion into a political message represents a polemic against capitalism which deserves to be broadly articulated.
This is the message that has been shouted down, denied any democratic forum in American politics, and treated as tho it were a criminal or terrorist ideology. One thousand Byron de la Beckwiths exist for every African who has clarity about the role of black workers and poor people in US society. One thousand James Earl Rays rise up every time an organizer fights to advance conditions inside our community as a matter of anti-racist struggle. Our communities across this country look like the aftermath of the Tulsa riots and yet we are supposed to remain quiet, and be afraid of what the reactionaries call “socialism”. We must demand socialism, we must demand change more than we kno the capitalist system is willing to concede, but we must demand what we kno we can get if it takes sweat and blood to get it.