Economists Call for Nationalization

Neo-Fascism Waiting in the Wings

The word for today, boys and girls, is NATIONALIZE! All thru out the news yesterday, economic pundits called on the government to NATIONALIZE THE BANKS! What does this mean? Leading economists of the capitalist system calling for nationalization can mean several things. But first, we need to define nationalization and society in the age of misinformation.

President Barack Obama made a speech in Arizona, which has the third highest foreclosure rate in the country. Obama wants to help banks restructure mortgages, and refinance some mortgage holders who owe banks for homes no longer worth what they paid. All this is part of his stimulus package.

However, the automakers continue to be in distress and Goodyear lays off workers because slow car sales means less tire manufacturing. The New York Stock Exchange closed down by 300 points. Economic activity is predicted to contract and unemployment is expected to rise. Most experts believe the recession will last at least 24 months if it doesn’t plunge into a depression.

Structural readjustment for the US economy can only lead towards financial disaster. The bloodsucking international banking system proved this in Africa, Asia and Latin America. When economists begin demanding the nationalization of banks, capitalism is in big trouble. Nationalization means a government takeover of a sector or the whole economy. This can happen under a socialist state, which we do not have, or it can happen in a state moving towards fascism, which we appear to have.

While the administration has not broached this subject, since Larry Summers of the White House’s National Economic Council appeared in several interviews and never even hinted at it, business experts and leading economists have begun making powerful cases for nationalizing the banks. To underscore, Timothy Geithner, Treasury Secretary and former head of the New York Fed, has a grounded policy initiative due to a sharp change of course which resulted in tanking markets on Wall Street. The pundits have panned Geithner and made an issue of Obama trying to fix the economy from the White House, citing politics and, paradoxically, George W Bush’s policy of giving the Fed a free hand.

All the leading capitalists, from the president on down, smell like a stinking joke.

But to nationalize the banks? Wow, that is a great leap, and not of the Maoist kind. Because we must ask the inevitable question, how will that happen? Especially after banks continue to receive massive monies from the public coffers. In the age of misinformation, where the neocons have convinced white workers that welfare, national health care reform and Social Security are socialist programs while remaining silent on gov’t giveaways to financial institutions, people must be wary of what it means for certain forces to make the call for nationalization. Because if Obama’s administration emerges from this period looking like the Weimar Republic, it will set the stage for a neoconservative resurgence out for blood.

This is no attempt to solve the Imperialist crisis. Yet a government takeover of the banks musn’t transpire after so much money has been doled out to them, nor without purging the top management of any banks that get seized. No takeover should happen with compensation going to stockholders, either. Altho this contradicts US laws concerning imminent domain, the banks have already received massive liquidity injections of public funds on a periodic basis since July 2006. Whichever banks are insolvent the government has no business acquiring them in any attempt to make them float.

Thus, experts calling for nationalization seem to be pulling the wool over our heads. They have the temerity to defend Bush’s economic policy decisions while criticizing the moves made by the four week old Obama presidency. Business experts Nina Easton, Fred Mishkin, Nuriel Roubini and Mark Zandi appeared on Charlie Rose to form a consensus on nationalization and against having a White House-run national economic group. However, the calls for nationalization have been broader than just theirs, cattle-prodding the black president into a less deliberate response to a crisis that has built up over the life of the entire subprime mortgage era.

Since the Clinton-era “war on crime”, codified in repressive criminal legislation and accompanied by a massive prison boom on the backs of black prisoners that jolted the voodoo economy of his predecessors, plus the passage of NAFTA alongside the unspoken war against Chicanos and other Latino immigrant workers, the United States has become a neo-fascist republic. This trend sharply intensified under two terms of the Bush 43 administration with the so-called “war on terror”, itself a form of terrorism. Combine that with an economic crisis in the making since the S&L scandals of the Eighties thru the DotCom shakeout on to the current subprime mortgage meltdown, if it can be correctly characterized that way.

The effect of these combined scandals and crises has been a huge concentration of liquidity into ever fewer hands. The credit regime arose because liquidity had been squeezed to the extent that people lacked the resources to buy with cash.

So, in making paper tigers from coast to coast, it became necessary for economic growth to rely heavily upon consumer credit spending. And this practice resulted in a more intensified concentration of liquidity. By concentrating cash in so few hands, money became even scarcer for workers, the middle class and small business. Towards the end, statisticians revealed how Americans worked longer and harder than their counterparts in other industrial countries, how production had increased — because of people trying to work themselves out of debt — and folks had less to show for it.

In a country where workers happily settle for $300 tax kickbacks while the government doles out $750 billion to financial institutions, anybody calling for nationalization of banks is either delusional or on a serious mission to turn this country into a fascist state. The steps towards fascism remain firmly in place and Obama, being a part of the ruling class, may not be turning away from that.

Ultimately, we need a workers economy based upon redistribution of wealth. Concentration of wealth must become thoroly diluted so that society will experience no more of these economic crises. The abstract value of paper documents from legal tender to asset-backed commercial paper and other capitalist instruments has to be abolished. The love of one another will overwhelm the love of money if we make it happen. Ubuntu is our only future: We need a society built upon people power instead of crass dollarism.

Imperialism, White Supremacy and Fascism in America

Breaking down the concentrated class struggle

Right now US society needs a clear understanding of the difference between socialism and fascism because a war is being waged against working class people. Americans do not really understand the class basis of their government. They also have a difficulty in making comparative analyses between the US brand of bourgeois democracy and other types. Imperialism and fascism are not such very different systems. We are not even that far away from a neo-fascist “dictatorship”.

First of all, socialism is a revolutionary social system. It is born out of revolt, uprisings and insurrection. It is a bottom up society and a system created to wither away; that is, socialism is not a society which has a long-term future. It will be transformed into a society where revolutions, uprisings and insurrections are unnecessary.

Socialism, like the society which must succeed it, will transform the means of distribution so that all the resources of society will be available to its members. The State will behave as the primary instrument for the socialized redistribution of resources — to contrast with capitalist privatization of collectively produced wealth — but not the sole force for this activity.

Socialist democracy means working class democracy. This is the logic of democratic struggle. Once the laboring masses eradicate the degenerate notion of racist supremacy, the democratic political process must take on a more principled character. America thrives on the practice of racist supremacy, pure and simple. All concepts of racial differences are based on racism. Whiteness, race and racial are terms carrying a dishonestly neutral connotation when they remain politically charged themes of capitalist society. The notions of political or cultural whiteness derives from a strictly racist context. Anti-racism is not about white guilt. It is about smashing colonialism and Imperialism as racist, class-based systems.

Racism shapes the culture of the colonizer society, and deforms the culture of the oppressed. It is, in reality, an expression of class warfare. As such, racism designates one nationality as a master race and the others as servants or slave races, a so-called underclass. These ideas, inculcated thru out colonialism, set the standards for interactions between workers of different nationalities. Workers from the white society think of themselves as superior to blacks, Latinos, American Indians, and Asians. Even government census forms convey a false sense of race purity.

The government bail out of the bloodsucking banks, tho, will consolidate the trend towards relegating white workers to the same miserable status as the colonized masses while continuing to play them against us “niggers”. This struggle reflects the historical lag between bourgeois ideology and working class self-realization. Until that gap gets closed, the colonized masses must remain in a defensive posture against their white working class comrades on the other side of the skirmish line.

White supremacy working both sides of the street…

And it is not always the far right which hides behind racism. Liberals and society in general do likewise. White workers often maintain a racist view of the colonized Latino and black workers with whom they share a place on the assembly line, and the same wage rates.

It is not until these white workers shed their own unprincipled nationalist views and become anti-racist as well as revolutionary proletarians within the international class struggle that we can depend upon them as solidarity forces, and genuine comrades. Only then, as well, will the labor movement be able to shed its corporate identity and become radicalized.

Then, many anti-colonial opinions in the African community range from revolutionary to pro capitalist, and pro Imperialist. Some fail to recognize how their “anti-whiteness” plays into the hands of Imperialism. Others understand that you do not fight racism with racism, but with Solidarity, as BPP Deputy Chairman Fred Hampton stated. That is an African Internationalist position.

However, to fight racism with Solidarity surely does not mean that your Solidarity comrades are openly rabid, bloodsucking racist excrements. That reverts backwards to fighting racism with racism. That explains how Jonas Savimbi united with apartheid South Africa to attempt the take over of revolutionary Angola. It explains how US black nationalists opportunistically made the mistake of ideologically supporting Savimbi.

The apartheid regimes of southern Africa had for the entire period of their existence been pro fascist. They militarily supported Portuguese colonial control in Angola and Mozambique. Apartheid Rhodesia and South Africa welcomed war criminals from Nazi Germany and fascist Italy. While the official name of the Nazi Party was something like the National Socialists, socialism was completely foreign to their program of action. No part of the Nazi Party was socialist, except the name. Nazism was fascism. Italy’s Mussolini, Spain’s Franco and Portugal’s Salazar were also fascists. Spain and Portugal became members of NATO, to stop the Soviet threat. If Nazi Germany had been socialist, then apartheid South Africa would have no part in giving fleeing German officers safe haven.

In the US, Preston Bush — Bush 43’s grandfather — and Henry Ford each profiteered from trade with the Nazis, as both were staunch anti-communists. Bush’s family has a long record destabilizing nations and communities, including America. Their WWII sympathies reflect their own cynicism towards working people, and towards the use of power. Ford and Bush never rendered material support for a socialist state; they opposed unions and disseminated other reactionary views.

Neither words nor practice separates apartheid and Jim Crow ideology from Hitler’s notion of Aryan supremacy. Tho the term Aryan for white people is the ultimate Imperialist identity, coming out of Nazi ideology itself, white people do not typically refer to themselves as Aryans not even during the most racist colonial period.

To give a brief background on how the Nazis concocted their ideas, Frederick Neitsche’s concept of the White Beast, the European superman, was based on Europe’s colonial domination of the world. The European had collected all the kno how and wealth from the empire, thereby transforming Europeans from ordinary mud people into Voila! Supermen. From there, the Nazis traced the Aryan’s lineage back to the invasion of the dark-skinned Harappans, and Mohenjo-Daro. Aryan tribes from the Caucasus (they had the horse) overran the Indus Valley, but the original Aryans (the Hindu) are no longer white at all.

At the same time, the concept of the Master Race — a fable derived from fusing Nietsche’s Superman theory of post-modernism with the archaic Aryan invasion of the Indus Valley — became intertwined to form the centerpiece of Nazi ideology and what certain racist activists called the Identity Movement in the post civil rights era. This elaborate synthesis of ancient and modern ideas, however unscientific and idiot-logical, combined with twelve years of economic growth during the Thirties to give the Germans a false sense of superiority. Historians broadly ignore the fact that workers literally lived under the gun, which demystifies once and for all Germany’s rise as a powerhouse in that brief space of time.

Fighting neo-fascism in US political culture

Which brings us to the point about fascism. Pan Africanists define it as a system within the Imperialist center which treats workers there as it does to the colonized masses. European socialist Nicos Poulantzas says that under fascism armed managers enforce production quotas on workers. These managers may be police, secret police like Gestapo, security guards or army officers. This explains how Adolph Hitler built labor camps to take Germany from a bankrupt state to economic solvency within twelve years. Almost to a man, historians neglect to explain Germany’s growth spurt in those years preceding World War II.

Historians also fail to point out how the economic collapse of 1929 unleashed the forces of reaction across Europe. This is important to analyze, particularly because the US currently faces another economic meltdown today. In a racially charged election, America has just barely inched away from the neo-fascist ideal craved by the neoconservative Republican administration currently in power. And with the president-elect’s naming of his own neocon policy hacks to his cabinet, not much distance has been placed between the Democrats and the Republicans. So in opposing neo-fascism, what should we be aware of?

Emergency political regimes surfaced thru out Europe during the 1930s. Mussolini’s blackshirts and Hitler’s Nazi Party marched in the streets, driving off other organizers, murdering their rivals and implementing a reign of terror. They recruited the most reactionary elements to lead the unions thru thuggery and by colluding with the corporations. America’s far right apparently hovers on the fringes of such a movement. However, they have failed to make the necessary steps and turns not because of timidity. The political climate is not yet right for right-wingers to totally coopt working people’s democratic rights. Yet they are very close, especially with the racist outrage which is surging like a wave after Obama’s victory at the polls.

By way of example, following twelve years of Republican Party “voodoo economics”, Bill Clinton jump started the biggest economic boom in history on the back of the prison industry. Today, one million black men locked down across America have provided a cheap supply of labor which has created boom towns and investment portfolios. As in Europe during that period, today the far-right conspires within liberalism, to maintain working class defeatism and anarchy. These seminal origins of US neo-fascism fore shadows what may loom over the horizon during the economic recovery of the next period.

Right-wingers continue to enjoy camaraderie with liberal reactionaries . They depend upon the so-called Left to hold the door open for their repressive initiatives. For instance, Sen. Joe Lieberman joined the GOP after losing to a Democratic Party contender in the primaries, then campaigned for the Republicans. Then the majority Dems welcomed him back by rewarding him with his old seat as chairman of Homeland Security. This shows the two parties as united in substance.

Naked racists, the right has no problem foisting the most servile segment of the colonized masses upon society as a foil to our national democratic (”civil”) rights. Such compradors (”sell outs”) as Clarence Thomas and Ward Connerly have gained their positions strictly via the civil rights movement, yet undermine the very principles and laws for which black people fought. The far right believes from the Bible and other religious texts that Africans are God’s condemned burnt ham servants for the white, Imperialist empire.

As the world knows, the fascists were defeated in Germany and Italy by armed force. Fascism withered away in Spain while it was overthrown in Portugal. The fascism of apartheid was defeated militarily in Rhodesia. Economic apartheid continues in South Africa, where that must also be smashed following the end of its authoritarian political system.

Imperialism has arrived at a place in history when it cannot thrive within its great centers in North America and Europe, built upon the backs of five billion workers. It has come to a juncture where the crisis in social relationships has reached its apex, and the class struggle can only sharpen. As this happens, fascism threatens to emerge in America. Various forces continue to set the tone for fascist dictatorship. The working class and all its allies must remain vigilant and prepared to oppose all forms of fascism and reactionary struggle.

Democracy and Racism

The Black Dialectic in Post-Neocon America

by I. Langalibalele

Many people in the black community have an aversion to the class question. That is, people avoid discussing relationships between the haves and have nots in any serious way. This seems due to the lack of any real democratic rights black working class and poor people may have in America. Everywhere our issues are raised, others seem intent on drowning out our voices or speaking up for us, ultimately with the goal of diluting our message.
It is the responsibility of organizers to break thru our temerity and elevate a class analysis that penetrates the broad masses of African people and repudiates Imperialism and especially the right-wing.
A close examination of racism shows that it is an expression of the class conflict which forms the basis of capitalist social relations. Racism is an expression of colonialism, and the backwards color theory of racist confrontation bases itself upon subjugating all colonized people so that mobility can be concentrated within the oppressor nation. African people understand how racism operates. Racism places the lowest caste among the colonizers above the best of the colonized.
For instance, white racist Byron de la Beckwith felt free to assassinate NAACP leader Medgar Evers in 1963 because de la Beckwith knew the system would not punish him for killing a black man. Same thing with James Earl Ray. In the Tulsa riots of 1921, whites destroyed the black business district because that meant black progress and they had to stop black people from having anything more than they owned. The racist, neocon opposition to affirmative action, equal opportunity and other legal remedies — aimed at reversing the effects of 500 years of racist oppression in North America — exists because white racists view blacks as a lower caste. We are supposed to be, as Booker T Washington paraphrased from the Biblical ‘drawers of water and hewers of wood for white people in this country.’
Some people attribute violent white behavior to emotional responses such as jealousy or hatred. Yet emotions begin with the racism people get taught in church, school, at home and in other cultural and political settings. Whites have been conditioned for 500 years to think of themselves as superior to everybody else and consider the colonized niggers of the world as their do-boys.
In Vietnam, American soldiers considered the people there gooks, slopes or rice niggers. If the Arabs were whites instead of towel heads or sand niggers, the Zionists would never have any support in America. Eskimos are ice niggers in Sarah Palin’s Alaska and cowboys routinely call the American Indians prairie niggers. Every colonized group is some kind of nigger. That is all the word mean is you are a slave under capitalism and Imperialism.
Racial conflict hones the very sharp edges of the class struggle. Since politics is economics concentrated, then racism concentrates the class question. However, during the rise of monopoly sector capitalism in the Twentieth Century, it became increasingly more difficult to maintain the strict, rigid class barriers that had been defined via racism. The years foreshadowing World War II forced competing ideas within the capitalist spheres to come into direct conflict. Capitalism’s collapse during the Great Depression instigated important social movements which began the decline of strict, race-based (colonial) relationships.
In Europe, the global economic disaster flushed out the most reactionary sections of the capitalist class. Germany, Italy, Portugal and Spain led the fascist movement which threatened to engulf Europe. At the 1940 Berlin Olympics, Hitler’s Aryan supermen competed against America’s nigger sons in track and boxing and came up short. This competition also caused America to seriously reevaluate its racist Jim Crow policy, tho change did not begin in earnest until the mid Fifties. Eventually, the most parasitic forces of reaction started a war the extreme right-wingers of Imperialism couldn’t finish.
Today, Imperialism — also known as international finance capitalism  (“monopoly sector capitalism”) characterized by the proliferation of powerful corporations that function like actual nation states — has reached its apex. It has totally saturated the entire globe at one level or another, and redefined the way people live. It imports and exports capital assets, it hides wealth by concentrating it into “asset-backed commercial paper,” documents which represent millions of dollars in value, which can be packed into a briefcase or a wallet and negotiated anywhere on the planet. Imperialism has become as rotten ripe as it can possibly become and Imperialism is also the highest stage of capitalism.
Now that capitalism is undergoing another economic crisis like it did in the Thirties and Forties, the forces of reaction in America have become let loose. They want a fascist dictatorship like the ones which reduced Europe to a rubble in the Forties. The neocons forget or don’t kno that fascism arose because of the economic crisis; fascism is an emergency political regime that is based upon repression. Hitler, known to the pigs as the leech who rebuilt Germany in twelve years, is also the one who employed armed managers (the Gestapo, the SS and the army) to enforce production quotas from workers. Mussolini, Franco and Salazar used similar tactics.
While the neoconservative reactionaries in this country try to stampede the masses by saying they don’t want socialism, the Keynesian capitalism upon which FDR modeled the US economic recovery still was based upon Jim Crow and colonialism. African people have walked away from slavery and Jim Crow, and we will fight to the death before we ever return to that. We refuse to submit to any system referred to as “voodoo economics” by its own neocon proponents.
We must be clear, as black workers in America, that our efforts have built this country and so we have an important voice to be raised. The interests which we seek to articulate must no longer be coopted by interpreters or middle class aspirants. Let them speak for themselves or their own class interests. We can speak for ourselves, and we have little to no relationship to the Democratic Party or the GOP.
Our interests involve economic and political control of our own community. We want the Black Panther Party program. We want the Uhuru Movement program. We demand reparations and an end to the neo-fascist prison industry built on our backs. If white people don’t want socialism, fine and good, but we want something which will move our community forward and out of dependency on Imperialism.
There is a black dialectic which differs from mainstream capitalist culture; it differs from what most preachers say in church on Sunday, and it differs from what black commentators say in black newspapers. It is something which you might read over the blogosphere or get in a conversation with somebody on the bus or on a corner. However, it is not the discussion on the radio or on BET.
And the efforts of the self-led black proletariat to distill this discussion into a political message represents a polemic against capitalism which deserves to be broadly articulated.
This is the message that has been shouted down, denied any democratic forum in American politics, and treated as tho it were a criminal or terrorist ideology. One thousand Byron de la Beckwiths exist for every African who has clarity about the role of black workers and poor people in US society. One thousand James Earl Rays rise up every time an organizer fights to advance conditions inside our community as a matter of anti-racist struggle. Our communities across this country look like the aftermath of the Tulsa riots and yet we are supposed to remain quiet, and be afraid of what the reactionaries call “socialism”. We must demand socialism, we must demand change more than we kno the capitalist system is willing to concede, but we must demand what we kno we can get if it takes sweat and blood to get it.